Russians head south in droves to flee conscription
Zeke Lloyd & Michael Braithwaite, Colorado Springs Gazette on July 10, 2023
TBILISI, Georgia – On a warm midsummer night, Tbilisi’s downtown comes alive. Near the city’s Liberty Square, a lively bar draws in a crowd of young adults.
An array of backgrounds and nationalities compose the bar’s nightly clientele. Romance and Slavic languages alike cut through the blaring music. But one language can be distinctly heard above the rest. It is not Georgian nor English, but Russian.
Ever since Georgia gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, the nation has harbored a significant Russian population. Both Georgian and Russian languages are commonly heard throughout the country. Travel is common too – Russians, in particular, seek out their southern neighbor to enjoy swimming in the Black Sea or snacking on abundant fresh fruit.
But the small country was not prepared for what happened when the Ukrainian war began.
As Vladamir Putin turned his army westward, Russians headed south in droves. Conscription took on new meaning for young men. A draft notice no longer signaled a one-year career interruption, but instead introduced them to the horrors of frontline combat.
“They get sent off, basically, to be meat,” said a young Russian man who migrated to Georgia after the conflict began.
After receiving a draft notice, military service becomes nearly impossible to avoid. “Once you get taken, you're taken. That's done. If they get you in a van, that's it. No lawyer. No nothing.”
But at the outset of what Russia deemed a “special military operation,” Russian authorities were required to notify citizens of their conscription in person. Men attempted to evade conscription officers, a feat many accomplished simply by moving to a residence registered under a different name.
But on April 14, 2023, Putin changed the legal requirements for conscription notifications. An electronic message became the standard, official notice. Failure to comply brought a surfeit of financial and travel restrictions, making it difficult to continue day-to-day life as a working citizen.
Instead of moving inside Russia, men looked for alternative ways to avoid the draft.
Individuals could employ legal firms to find medical abnormalities that would disqualify them from military service. “They're finding real medical issues. And everybody has them, but you have to actually prove it,” said the Russian. “You can't use an independent doctor to prove it, either. You have to use the military doctors for it.”
Pursuing higher degrees was another popular strategy – undergraduate and graduate students are protected during their time in school. Those who have received their doctorates are exempt from the process entirely, but only if the government complies with its own eligibility restrictions.
In this way, the legal and academic routes to avoid the draft pose the same danger: continued domestic residence. Russian authorities are infamous for inconsistency in draftee selection. Rural communities, often made up of racial and religious minorities, face far higher conscription rates than their urban counterparts.
Russia’s neighbors offer proximity to home without the risk of conscription. As long as they have not been sent a draft notice, Russians can freely travel to Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan. These countries have become four of the most popular destinations for military-age men fleeing Russia, and do not require a visa for entry.
For the Russian man now living in Georgia, getting out of the country was not a challenge. Nor was it difficult for him to find reasons to leave. He opposed paying taxes to a military cause he did not support and his exit from Russia brought “peace of mind” for his family.
And while Russians have fled to Georgia en masse, it has largely been to avoid the consequences of the war. Many still support the Russian government, according to Nika Chitadze, director of the Center for International Studies at the International Black Sea University.
“They support the Kremlin, but they prefer to be in their apartment watching TV,” said Chitadze. “They themselves do not want to be recruited to the army, but from the other side, they want to support the Kremlin. Why not?”
And Kremlin-friendly Russians residing in Georgia could pose a significant danger to the nation. As migrants fleeing conscription pour into their southern neighbor, operatives actively working to promote Russian foreign interest move with them.
“When Russia attacked Georgia in 2008, Russia at the same time justified this invasion in Georgia. One of the main reasons was that they protected Russian citizens,” said Chitadze.
When Russian forces invaded northern Georgia fifteen years ago, there was effectively no response from other international powers.
“The United States refused to help the Georgian military and the Europeans refused to do that as well,” said Lasha Tchouridze, professor of international affairs at Norwich University. According to Tchouridze, Russia stopped its advance after the substantially smaller Georgian army successfully held back the invading forces.
To this day, Russia continues to occupy 20% of Georgian territory. While there is limited active fighting along the border, it remains militarized.
But now, with a rise in Russian migrants and a lack of support from the West, Georgian authorities struggle to combat Kremlin agents spread throughout the country.
“The Georgian government, being a small country and having fewer assets, they can monitor things. But they cannot really organize large-scale operations to counter those who are working in Georgia from important countries,” said Tchouridze.
Just as mass migration brings uncertainty for Georgian security, Russians themselves have to adjust to life in a new country and deal with the potential implications of their nation’s actions.
“It’s finding comfort in all of the uncertainty of just what’s happening the next day,” said the Russian. “Rebuilding a life you sort of lost back there. And a lot of people aren’t going back at all.”